What Kejriwal’s Ramlila brand of politics implies
25 Dec 2013 11:25 PM GMT
‘Can they hold the assembly meeting at the Ramlila Maidan?’ retorted a senior BJP leader when asked if the success of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the austere lifestyle of its leader Arvind Kejriwal would set an example for the national parties and its leaders to follow. The leader was of course on a chartered flight, returning from Varanasi after attending Narendra Modi’s hugely successful rally in India’s oldest city.
Only three days later, AAP national convenor Kejriwal has decided to take oath as the chief minister of Delhi at the Ramlila Maidan. The BJP leader’s premonition about Kejriwal holding an assembly session on the sprawling ground may not be a distant possibility. Perhaps nothing has upset the traditional political parties and their leaders more than the image of Kejriwal as next-door neighbour or literally an aam aadmi. The fact that he steadfastly refuses to let go of this image despite his anointment as the chief minister has hit the well-entrenched politicians where it hurts most – their sense of entitlement of perks and privileges.
‘The state is a temporary thing and in no way a permanent feature in human life,’ said the great sage Leo Tolstoy. And those scared of Kejriwal’s ‘antics’ challenging the notion of the state’s permanence are certainly oblivious to the deep yearning of people for a transformational change in the old political order. If Kejriwal has emerged in less than a year to symbolise this change, it is nothing but an illustrating testimony to the widening chasm between the practitioners of traditional politics and the people. Even the signals emanating from the ground are being ignored. Two remotely unconnected events, in Delhi and Varanasi, are illustrative in their own way in defining the popular political sentiment in the country. Just as Kejriwal decided to seek people’s opinion on whether or not to form the government, BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi addressed an unprecedented crowd at Varanasi which buoyed the saffron brigade. Instead, the Hindutva forces should genuinely worry about the people’s mood.
Varanasi is a veritable microcosm of India. What is true of India is equally true of Varanasi, the most pious city across the country. But the city has a rich history and tradition of challenging the faithful and conventions. On 20 December when Modi addressed a huge public gathering nearly 30 km away from the city, he was acutely aware of the fact that those who trekked miles in hordes to listen to him were not BJP supporters. An indication of this was available on the ground when a section of the crowd tried to heckle the sitting MP from Varanasi, Murli Manohar Joshi.
Joshi is an archetypal brahmin. He should be an instant winner in Varanasi’s audience. But nobody except Modi was the star attraction. Cutting across caste barriers, the audience comprised people of all ages, all groups. Of course, this unprecedented level of mobilisation was beyond the capacity of the party’s organistional strength. Even local party leaders admitted that given the unpopularity of Joshi and the local BJP, it would be difficult to mobilise even a fraction of this strength for any other national leader from the Hindutva stable. Then what drove people to Modi’s rally? Unlike K N Govindacharya or BJP president Rajnath Singh, Modi was never associated with the city and its cultural moorings. Unlike Vajpayee, he is not from a brahmin lineage which gets instant acceptance in a society steeped in religious rituals and cultural mores which are perhaps older than traditions and even history. He is certainly not an unusually gifted orator who can impress even those engaged in regular political gossips at famous Assi ghat by the Ganga.
But all this conventional wisdom about Varanasi turned on its head when Modi came here. The reason for his success was not far to seek. Fed up with traditional politics of caste and archaic idiom, Modi, rightly or wrongly, comes across as a symbol of hope. Those living in Varanasi have been facing the worst kind of infrastructure crisis in the city. People’s top priorities – bijli, sadak paani (‘BSP’) – have been relegated and the law and order scenario is scary. Political rent-seekers have been thriving while concerns of the ordinary citizens are hardly an issue. In an atmosphere of despondency and frustration, Modi emerges in people’s perception as a leader who delivered in Gujarat. And if given a chance, he would do the same for the rest of the country.
By arrangement with Governance Now
Only three days later, AAP national convenor Kejriwal has decided to take oath as the chief minister of Delhi at the Ramlila Maidan. The BJP leader’s premonition about Kejriwal holding an assembly session on the sprawling ground may not be a distant possibility. Perhaps nothing has upset the traditional political parties and their leaders more than the image of Kejriwal as next-door neighbour or literally an aam aadmi. The fact that he steadfastly refuses to let go of this image despite his anointment as the chief minister has hit the well-entrenched politicians where it hurts most – their sense of entitlement of perks and privileges.
‘The state is a temporary thing and in no way a permanent feature in human life,’ said the great sage Leo Tolstoy. And those scared of Kejriwal’s ‘antics’ challenging the notion of the state’s permanence are certainly oblivious to the deep yearning of people for a transformational change in the old political order. If Kejriwal has emerged in less than a year to symbolise this change, it is nothing but an illustrating testimony to the widening chasm between the practitioners of traditional politics and the people. Even the signals emanating from the ground are being ignored. Two remotely unconnected events, in Delhi and Varanasi, are illustrative in their own way in defining the popular political sentiment in the country. Just as Kejriwal decided to seek people’s opinion on whether or not to form the government, BJP’s prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi addressed an unprecedented crowd at Varanasi which buoyed the saffron brigade. Instead, the Hindutva forces should genuinely worry about the people’s mood.
Varanasi is a veritable microcosm of India. What is true of India is equally true of Varanasi, the most pious city across the country. But the city has a rich history and tradition of challenging the faithful and conventions. On 20 December when Modi addressed a huge public gathering nearly 30 km away from the city, he was acutely aware of the fact that those who trekked miles in hordes to listen to him were not BJP supporters. An indication of this was available on the ground when a section of the crowd tried to heckle the sitting MP from Varanasi, Murli Manohar Joshi.
Joshi is an archetypal brahmin. He should be an instant winner in Varanasi’s audience. But nobody except Modi was the star attraction. Cutting across caste barriers, the audience comprised people of all ages, all groups. Of course, this unprecedented level of mobilisation was beyond the capacity of the party’s organistional strength. Even local party leaders admitted that given the unpopularity of Joshi and the local BJP, it would be difficult to mobilise even a fraction of this strength for any other national leader from the Hindutva stable. Then what drove people to Modi’s rally? Unlike K N Govindacharya or BJP president Rajnath Singh, Modi was never associated with the city and its cultural moorings. Unlike Vajpayee, he is not from a brahmin lineage which gets instant acceptance in a society steeped in religious rituals and cultural mores which are perhaps older than traditions and even history. He is certainly not an unusually gifted orator who can impress even those engaged in regular political gossips at famous Assi ghat by the Ganga.
But all this conventional wisdom about Varanasi turned on its head when Modi came here. The reason for his success was not far to seek. Fed up with traditional politics of caste and archaic idiom, Modi, rightly or wrongly, comes across as a symbol of hope. Those living in Varanasi have been facing the worst kind of infrastructure crisis in the city. People’s top priorities – bijli, sadak paani (‘BSP’) – have been relegated and the law and order scenario is scary. Political rent-seekers have been thriving while concerns of the ordinary citizens are hardly an issue. In an atmosphere of despondency and frustration, Modi emerges in people’s perception as a leader who delivered in Gujarat. And if given a chance, he would do the same for the rest of the country.
By arrangement with Governance Now
Next Story
