Insufficient intervention?

India made history on September 21 this year by passing the Women's Reservation Bill 2023 unanimously in both houses of the Parliament. It was an epoch-making event in the history of women empowerment in India, for it would physically ensure representation and presence of women as 33 per cent of lawmakers in the legislative institutions of the largest democracy in the world. Hopefully, it will guarantee promotion of the interests of women citizens as equal partners in the progress of the nation. However, women’s empowerment in terms of gender equality, equality of opportunities, and eradication of gender-based crimes will be a long-drawn battle before the dominant patriarchal narrative finally gives in to the call of modern society. It takes more than affirmative action for upliftment of women, if the unending crimes and oppression against the underprivileged classes like Dalits and Tribes, even after political reservations, serve any example.

While reservation of seats in legislatures for women will pave way for their political empowerment, it needs to be complemented with an ecosystem of social and economic empowerment; or else, political reservations will be overshadowed by a syndrome of ‘patronage-cum-exploitation’ by the patriarchal hegemony. For example, though posts are reserved up to 50 per cent for women in three-tier Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), in many states, virtually it’s their spouses who wield de-facto power.

Protection of life and liberty, as enshrined in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, is the basic requirement for personal mobility of women in society, which is essential for realization of social, political or economic mobility. According to reports by the MHA, in 2021, the rate of convictions in offences against women was only 29 per cent of the total prosecutions. Though it was an improvement of about 10 per cent in five years, the pendency of prosecutions is at about 96 per cent. Procrastinated investigations and weak prosecutions continue to be the undoing of effective laws such as the IPC, Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2013, Domestic Violence Act, 2005, Immoral Traffic Prevention Act, 1956 etc. An environment of social mobility is necessary for reduction of crimes against women. Conformist social values defeat the purpose of laws. Widows, divorcees, and single women continue to be the victims of ostracization by society, not to mention honour killings. The overall social environment is still hostile to women's liberation.

The preconditions for social change in favour of women are: increase in levels of education and access to economic opportunities. Employment in public and private sectors and independent income-generating activities will ensure economic empowerment. But sadly, the ‘glass ceiling’ continues to deprive women of opportunities. India ranks 148th in the world in terms of representation of women in positions of power. Even as less than 35 per cent women got registered in employment exchanges, less than 15 per cent are employed in government sectors. Though women constitute 48 per cent of the population in India, their Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) has declined from 30 per cent in 1990 to 21 per cent today, which is not even half of the global average of 47 per cent. Interestingly, higher political awareness among women vis-à-vis men was observed during the last Parliamentary elections, as 67.18 per cent women voted in comparison to 67.01 per cent of men. But concomitantly, the economic empowerment of women is conspicuous by its absence.

According to an ILO research paper (2014) by Steven Kapsos and others, a decline of 62 per cent in LFPR was due to insufficient job opportunities stemming from occupational segregation and social norms. Gender gap in the formal sector is glaringly visible, with only 15 per cent women in transport and construction sectors, and 28 per cent in hi-tech industries including aviation and pharmaceuticals; the only exceptions are health and education, with 46 per cent and 51 per cent participation, respectively. It is observed that though education and upskilling are essential in today’s technological and digital world, gains in education haven't translated into better labour market outcomes for women. Initiatives like PMMY and Stand Up India scheme signal a good beginning but we need more targeted programmes. Many states in India have job reservations for women, but the private sector seems to be immune from such social liability. Distribution of sops like, free gas connections, cash transfers on birth of a girl child, free marriage grants, or free cycles are welcome, but they do not amount to real economic empowerment.

According to the UN, “economic empowerment is the ability to participate equally in the existing markets, access and control over productive resources, decent work and control over time, lives and bodies with increased voice and participation in economic decision-making at all levels”. In the absence of economic empowerment, which is a catalyst for social empowerment, political empowerment by way of seat reservations in legislative bodies will only culminate in personal empowerment of a few people from affluent quarters within a class. Such an eventuality only defies the spirit of ‘Classified Legislation', which affirmative action actually is all about. Unless women as a 'class' are liberated economically and socially, the benefits of reservation will be garnered only by few beneficiaries from the well-educated 'creamy layer’ to the detriment of equity and equitability. In other words, it makes representation of women from rural, working class and low-income backgrounds almost impossible.

Allocations for schemes meant for women empowerment have never been a part of fiscal policies unlike in the case of Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) or the Special Component Plan (for SC population), which are a part 'plan expenditure' and allocations are exclusively spent in the designated areas inhabited by SC and ST population. Here comes the importance of 'Gender Budget’ which means gender responsive formulation of legislation, policies, and schemes along with resource allocation, implementation, tracking of expenditure, audit, and impact assessment. Exclusive allocations on welfare schemes, childcare services, women's education, healthcare etc. contribute to the rise in women’s LFPR and thereby their earning abilities. It’s heartening to learn that the government has finally introduced a gender budget titled as 'Mission Shakti' in March this year, laying down mechanisms, processes and guidelines with SOPs for both central and State governments. However, continuous monitoring is necessary to make sure that the arrangements yield desired results.

Indian society is experiencing a phase of transition wherein traditional patriarchal narratives and regressive value systems are undergoing a dramatic change. Supporting the women’s cause, especially emancipating them from age-old drudgery and oppression, is not only a social obligation but also a political imperative. The Women's Reservation Act, 2023, due to certain technicalities, will take a few years before it finally comes into force. Meanwhile, we have enough time to prepare the ground by empowering women socially and economically by galvanising all the actors involved in the process.

The writer is a former Addl. Chief Secretary of Chhattisgarh. Views expressed are personal