Three musketeers of politics
3 Sep 2013 10:33 PM GMT
The unforgettable role of the three Goddeses during National Democratic Alliance (NDA) rule in 1998 to 2004 can’t be washed away from people’s mind that easily. The three supremos of the regional parties in their respective states had probably realised their importance in the continuation of Vajpayee government.
A tea party hosted by the oriental Janta Party Chief, Subramanian Swami, resulted in the downfall of Vajpayee government. The mere presence of
J Jayalalitha paved way for withdrawal of support by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) from the NDA government. Consequent to the withdrawal, the NDA lost power by a single vote in Lok Sabha.
Role of the Trinamool Congress Chief Mamata Banerjee during the NDA regime was not different than the other chiefs of the two regional parties, BSP and AIADMK, respectively.
Banerjee resigned as a Cabinet minister to walk over from the NDA. She returned to the NDA after a few months and aspired for re-induction as a Cabinet minister. A senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader while commenting on this stated that the allies should follow the coalition dharma rather than washing their linen in public. Another top brass of the BJP said that NDA is not a railway compartment to board and de board as per one’s convenience.
The then Prime Minister Vajpayee had a tough time to tackle the three regional women satrap including BSP Chief Bahan Mayawati. Even the present United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government had to face the unusual attitude of Banerjee. Apart from this, the UPA also learnt to mend its ways in order to accommodate the whims of Mayawati for survival of government at the Centre.
Another satrap from Uttar Pradesh, Samajwadi Party Chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, has also been negotiationg on one or another issue in exchange of his party’s support to the UPA at crucial hours. It is being understood by all the major parties that these tactics are going to sustain in coalitions.
The recent observation of the NCP President and Union minister, Sharad Pawar, about the future king-makers needs to be analysed appropriately. As per his assessment the six regional parties – AIADMK, Trinamool Congress, BSP, Samajwadi Party, JD(U) and BJD would be in a position to decide the name of the prime minister after the results of 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Is it his calculation or a feeler to the constituents of the present UPA and the other regional parties? Out of these six parties three are headed by three super women who mattered during NDA regime.
The Lok Sabha elections as of now are scheduled in the month of April, 2014, hence, it is difficult to predict the results though the ongoing surveys have been projecting different scenarios, leaving wide scope for making new friends and seeking adjustments with strange bed fellows.
Sharad Pawar is a mature politician and master of political engineering. He should not be taken lightly. His observations cannot be taken as a passing reference. One would have to analyse it deeply layer by layer. Pawar has never lost any election battle.
He started his political inning as a Congressman and had to set up his new political outfit, Indian Congress (socialist) to join hands with Janata Party to become the chief minister of Maharashtra, first time in 1978.
His public life started at the age of 16 when he led a demonstration supporting freedom of Goa from the shackles of Portugal. Baramati has been his karambhoomi throughout. He had been active in the state politics as well as in national politics.
Pawar had been groomed in the politics by his mentor Y B Chavan, one time chief minister and deputy prime minister. Pawar was elected to Lok Sabha in 1984 and in the next year to Vidhan Sabha. He opted to remain an MLA instead of MP. His move yielded dividend as Pawar merged his Indian Congress (Socailist) in to Congress (I) and was given an opportunity to lead the Maharashtra Legislature Party on elevation of the Chief Minister, S B Chavan as union minister in 1987.
The Maratha satrap, Pawar was appointed as chief minister to restrict Shiv Sena in extending its base outside Brihan Mumbai.
Pawar sprang a surprise by deserting Congress on the issue of foreign nationality of the Congress President just before Lok Sabha election in 1999 to form his separate political organisation – Nationalist Congress Party. He walked over with two of his associates, P A Sangma and Tariq Anwar.
His deserting Congress was like desertion by Jagjiwan Ram in 1977, just before Lok Sabha election, accompanied by the two former chief ministers – HN Bahuguna and Nandini Satpathy.
Pawar reconciled with the Congress Party and had been maintaining association with the Congress at state and centre. His current observation on the future king-makers could be analysed keeping in view his unfulfilled desire of leading the country.
The author is a communication consultant
A tea party hosted by the oriental Janta Party Chief, Subramanian Swami, resulted in the downfall of Vajpayee government. The mere presence of
J Jayalalitha paved way for withdrawal of support by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) from the NDA government. Consequent to the withdrawal, the NDA lost power by a single vote in Lok Sabha.
Role of the Trinamool Congress Chief Mamata Banerjee during the NDA regime was not different than the other chiefs of the two regional parties, BSP and AIADMK, respectively.
Banerjee resigned as a Cabinet minister to walk over from the NDA. She returned to the NDA after a few months and aspired for re-induction as a Cabinet minister. A senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader while commenting on this stated that the allies should follow the coalition dharma rather than washing their linen in public. Another top brass of the BJP said that NDA is not a railway compartment to board and de board as per one’s convenience.
The then Prime Minister Vajpayee had a tough time to tackle the three regional women satrap including BSP Chief Bahan Mayawati. Even the present United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government had to face the unusual attitude of Banerjee. Apart from this, the UPA also learnt to mend its ways in order to accommodate the whims of Mayawati for survival of government at the Centre.
Another satrap from Uttar Pradesh, Samajwadi Party Chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, has also been negotiationg on one or another issue in exchange of his party’s support to the UPA at crucial hours. It is being understood by all the major parties that these tactics are going to sustain in coalitions.
The recent observation of the NCP President and Union minister, Sharad Pawar, about the future king-makers needs to be analysed appropriately. As per his assessment the six regional parties – AIADMK, Trinamool Congress, BSP, Samajwadi Party, JD(U) and BJD would be in a position to decide the name of the prime minister after the results of 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Is it his calculation or a feeler to the constituents of the present UPA and the other regional parties? Out of these six parties three are headed by three super women who mattered during NDA regime.
The Lok Sabha elections as of now are scheduled in the month of April, 2014, hence, it is difficult to predict the results though the ongoing surveys have been projecting different scenarios, leaving wide scope for making new friends and seeking adjustments with strange bed fellows.
Sharad Pawar is a mature politician and master of political engineering. He should not be taken lightly. His observations cannot be taken as a passing reference. One would have to analyse it deeply layer by layer. Pawar has never lost any election battle.
He started his political inning as a Congressman and had to set up his new political outfit, Indian Congress (socialist) to join hands with Janata Party to become the chief minister of Maharashtra, first time in 1978.
His public life started at the age of 16 when he led a demonstration supporting freedom of Goa from the shackles of Portugal. Baramati has been his karambhoomi throughout. He had been active in the state politics as well as in national politics.
Pawar had been groomed in the politics by his mentor Y B Chavan, one time chief minister and deputy prime minister. Pawar was elected to Lok Sabha in 1984 and in the next year to Vidhan Sabha. He opted to remain an MLA instead of MP. His move yielded dividend as Pawar merged his Indian Congress (Socailist) in to Congress (I) and was given an opportunity to lead the Maharashtra Legislature Party on elevation of the Chief Minister, S B Chavan as union minister in 1987.
The Maratha satrap, Pawar was appointed as chief minister to restrict Shiv Sena in extending its base outside Brihan Mumbai.
Pawar sprang a surprise by deserting Congress on the issue of foreign nationality of the Congress President just before Lok Sabha election in 1999 to form his separate political organisation – Nationalist Congress Party. He walked over with two of his associates, P A Sangma and Tariq Anwar.
His deserting Congress was like desertion by Jagjiwan Ram in 1977, just before Lok Sabha election, accompanied by the two former chief ministers – HN Bahuguna and Nandini Satpathy.
Pawar reconciled with the Congress Party and had been maintaining association with the Congress at state and centre. His current observation on the future king-makers could be analysed keeping in view his unfulfilled desire of leading the country.
The author is a communication consultant
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