The legacy of Ambedkar

A prophetic thinker, he cautioned that "On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality…We must remove this contradiction at the earliest … or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy." Not surprisingly in the 80's, the depressed classes emerged as political forums while the Central government preemptively accommodated the demands of other backward classes for inclusion in 90's – the Mandal commission. More and more marginalised communities began asserting now. This is evidently the influence of Ambedkar's vision whose struggle was not merely for the emancipation of Dalits, a focus though it was, but generally for social justice. Rather than downplaying it as vote bank politics, we need to realise that this a result of the contradiction between democratic polity with an undemocratic society we live in; and accordingly address it.

Ambedkar's definition of democracy itself is inclusive as 'not merely a form of Government but primarily a mode of associated living, … an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellowmen'. Therefore, it is not as rule by 'majority' but by 'unanimity'; so that interests of the dominant and the marginalised are harmonised. Reinforcing the sentiment he also envisages that 'Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy' - with liberty, equality and fraternity as a way of life. To divorce one from the other,' to him, 'is to defeat the very purpose of democracy' as he apprehended that equality without liberty would kill individual initiative no less than liberty without fraternity would produce the supremacy of few over many. Naturally so, he advocated in favour of a strong Center as 'constable to enforce the trio' so as to ensure inclusiveness. These days when regional and sectarian concerns try to override national interests, Ambedkar's prescription is all the more relevant in order to hold 'Bharat' and 'India' together.

Women empowerment was an integral part of Ambedkar's movement a fact never received the credit it deserved. For him, the progress of a community is to be measured by the progress of women. The special marriage Act 1954 and Hindu marriage Act 1955 which were a part of his original Hindu Code Bill, birthed a new era of freedom for women from oppressive practices and endogamy. This was the beginning of women's liberation in the country in real sense and the increasing women empowerment today is an only a legacy of Ambedkar. After the 73rd amendment in 1992, women constitute panchayat bodies now up to 50 per cent in many States. However, in Legislative houses it is less than 10 per cent against the world average of 20 per cent. Ironically, women's turn-out in polls increased from 46.6 per cent in 1962 to 65.7 per cent in 2014 (ECI) - almost equal to men.

Ambedkar dismissed the theories of a class war, visualising that a caste-ridden society, far from division of labour, is only 'division of labourers' and power is not only economic but social too. Ambedkar was not wrong if the poor performance of communist parties in India is any evidence. Disagreeing with Nehru's socialism that social inequalities automatically capitulate to economic equality, Ambedkar emphasised social equality as a precondition for economic equality. It is high time the extremist forces who believe in class war and violence appreciated Ambedkar's philosophy and had a change of heart.

With 'ascription' disallowing 'achievement', social inequalities undo the benefits of democracy; hence affirmative action indispensable. Inclusion and social mobility are complementary to each other. Caste is directly identified with the occupational prescription of Gandhian romantic rural India which only rationalises 'graded inequalities' denying social mobility. No wonder, atrocities against lower castes and women are endemic to our villages. Freedom from traditional occupational fetters, therefore, is a primary option to debilitate caste, while unreason, it's root will come under the juggernauts of modern society of reason sooner or later. Phenomenal urbanisation in 21st century opened gates of economic and social freedom to the weaker sections that migrate regularly to cities in order to make a living unrelated to caste. This is corroborated by the Planning Commission's data that as the incidence of poverty in rural areas in 2011-12 for SCs was 31.5 per cent, for STs it was 45.3 per cent, whereas in urban areas, it was 21.70 per cent and 24.1 per cent, respectively. The smart city mission and skill development mission of Central government deserve credit for their vision is in consonance with that of Ambedkar i.e. to empower the weaker sections towards a dignified living. Similarly, Swachha Bharat mission, more than sanitation has also a mission of sensitising people towards dignity of labour by dissociating stigma of caste with occupation. We need, inter alia, more initiatives of this sort. The regressive character of caste can only be counteracted by a progressive culture of inclusiveness. Media deserves commendation for its role today as a catalyst in the process by encouraging social intercourse with scientific temper. The enviable manpower of India cannot be wasted by a mindless obsession with caste. Ambedkar's legacy continues to influence us towards a great social endosmosis aimed at building a united India with fraternity.