Normalising ties?

The Minister of External Affairs for India, Dr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, visited Pakistan for the first time in almost a decade. He touched down in Islamabad, marking a historic moment as the first Indian External Affairs Minister to visit Pakistan after nine years. But Dr. S Jaishankar's travel to Pakistan had nothing to do with the country that sponsors terrorism. Jaishankar had announced there is no room for bilateral talk between the two nations. Instead, they should actively interact with all other SCO members, particularly those in Central Asia. India respects its commitments towards the multilateral platform—the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), and decided to nurture that by attending the meeting.

Diplomacy is a never-ending loop in the Indo-Pak relationship. Although it may seem straightforward, diplomacy has many more facets. The Indo-Pak relationship has always been turbulent, with Kashmir being one of their main points of contention. Not to forget, a senior diplomat once said that the India-Pakistan relationship always ends up in a snake-ladder situation. Since 1947, both nations have been standing on the two edges of a seesaw. After the emergence of Pakistan followed by the Partition of India, the India-Pakistan relations can be referred to as a tug of war.

India and Pakistan went through four massive wars followed by internal disturbances like the Uri surgical strike, the Pulwama attack, and many more on both sides. Amid consecutive defeats of Pakistan in the Indo-Pak wars, the former President of Pakistan, the late Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, introduced a theory of 'Proxy War'. They decided to tamper with the internal security of India by promoting terrorism and paralleling the concept of 'Thousand Cuts'. Kashmir and the North Eastern region were pushed into constant turmoil through militancy. Operation Tupak was their policy, where they compartmentalised the operation into two sections, K1 for Kashmir and K2 for the Northeast. And this is how the Pakistan ISI started promoting the insurgency in the Northeast.

Irrespective of several disputes, India tried to bridge its differences with Pakistan. The then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi proposed to initiate a peace process with Benazir Bhutto and Atal Bihari Vajpayee introduced the Lahore Bus Diplomacy with Nawaz Sharif but nothing appeared to work out. Currently, the socio-economic condition of Pakistan is lamentable; the nation is starving, and its economy is on the verge of collapse. The defence budget of the country has been dissolved. The country is under the control of military rule, which is just a cover-up.

Pakistan claims that India ought to participate in the dialogue with them, and the primary grounds for doing so are:

1. Since Pakistan is now in a weakened position, negotiations are appropriate at this very moment.

2. The connectivity between China and Pakistan: Pakistan might be an excellent mediator if India wishes to reduce its hostility with China. Although China and India have never ceased talking, Pakistan might contribute to a higher level of conversation as China consistently supports Pakistan under all circumstances. Even though India is well aware of China's expansionist policies, India is not ready to give up the Indo-China Talk.

3. Bangladesh's current state of affairs is appalling. Now that Yunus has effectively overthrown Sheikh Hasina and taken her position, the Jamaat and BNP troops are in control. The fact that Pakistan has returned to Bangladesh through Jamaat is widely known. Therefore, it is crucial to monitor Pakistan to prevent any disputes with Bangladesh. India must follow the same course as they did when they took on the Taliban in Afghanistan.

The fact that New Delhi chose to send Dr. Jaishankar and accepted the invitation to the SCO conference is a step toward fostering confidence. India has already demonstrated a confidence-boosting move, so now the ball is in Pakistan's court. As Jaishankar previously stated, New Delhi is prepared to react to any action taken by Islamabad, whether it be favourable or unfavourable. However, it's crucial to note that the two-day SCO summit happened against the background of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and an escalating war in West Asia. They have a significant impact on the world economy, and the situation is extremely precarious. Jaishankar's visit occurred in the context of J&K's most recent election to put in place a new assembly. The entire election process witnessed healthy participation and the democratic exercise was completed peacefully. After the elections, a newly elected government, headed by National Conference leader Omar Abdullah, assumed office.

It is the right time for Pakistan which ought to have started a conversation with India even after India stated that it would not be open to having bilateral discussions.

It is a reasonable chance for Pakistan to discuss regulatory measures for terrorism, which may lead to a conversation concerning Kashmir that would be advantageous to both countries. If Pakistan assumes the lead, all of the declarations, gestures, and comments will be scrutinized for the benefit of the future strategic plan between both nations. Relationships have been in jeopardy around the terrorism issue for decades. Pakistan needs international assistance as well as economic transformation, which can only be implemented through new political and economic policies. Pakistan has furthermore been employed by China as a countervailing power against India's ascent in the area. It is therefore Islamabad's best advantage to begin anew with India.

A book named The Cover, The Psychology, and Peace written by Neil Krishan Aggarwal (Psychiatrist and Scientist at Columbia University), Lieutenant General Asad Durrani (the former director general of Inter-Services Intelligence directors of Pakistan), and Amarjit Singh Dulat (former head of Research and Analysis at Wing R&AW) depicts the complete situation of both nations.

The book puts the reader directly in the heads of the two spymasters, who, despite their lengthy history of pessimism, remain optimistic about a new communication process. 'An Honest Assessment of Future Peacemaking' is the book's final chapter, which says that "it is possible if both remove the iron curtain of romanticism. All are the tracks of the composite dialogue; e.g., Sir Cheek, Siachen, water sharing, and, of course, Jammu and Kashmir require societies to truly reflect on the psychology of intractable conflict. Changing perceptions of one's society, the advisory societies, the relationship between both societies and ultimate goals would have been realistic at present. So, let's keep recommending, based on returning to Macbeth, what we are and what we are going to be. What we could be is a topic that we will continue discussing behind closed doors. We can choose to reveal ourselves when the time is right."

Views expressed are personal