Dhaka’s Power Realignment

Prime Minister Tarique Rahman seems to be settling down fast, setting his priorities right. One major task he undertook very soon after assuming office was a reshuffle in the Army. According to an order (February 22), the Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), Major General Kaiser Rashid Chowdhury, is tipped to become Director General of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, replacing Major General Mohammad Jahangir Alam, who has been posted to the Foreign Ministry as an ambassador. Major General Mir Mushfiqur Rahman, General Officer Commanding of the 24 Infantry Division in Chattogram, has been promoted to Lieutenant General and appointed Principal Staff Officer (PSO) of the Armed Forces Division (AFD). He succeeds Lieutenant General S. M. Kamrul Hasan, who had been serving as the PSO of the AFD since 22 August 2024 and has now been assigned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as an ambassador. Also, Lieutenant General Mohd Mainur Rahman, previously serving at the Army Training and Doctrine Command (ARTDOC), has been appointed Chief of General Staff (CGS) at the Army Headquarters.

Significantly, the changes also affect Bangladesh’s military representation in New Delhi. Brigadier General Mohd Hafizur Rahman, currently serving as the Defence Adviser in the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi and attached to Military Intelligence, has been promoted to Major General and will assume command of the 55th Infantry Division upon returning to Bangladesh. The 55 Infantry Division is headquartered in Jessore, bordering India and hence considered very crucial.

Commenting on the changes, retired Major General Dr Mohd Nayeem Ashfaque Chowdhury, Vice-Chairman of the Osmani Centre for Peace and Security Studies in Dhaka, felt that military postings and promotions are normal administrative processes. Officers are promoted based on their seniority, suitability, and the needs of the service. Appointments—especially key coordinating roles—are given to those considered the best fit. When one officer is moved, it creates another vacancy, leading to a chain of routine transfers. He does not see anything extraordinary in these changes. There is no connection between these changes and any change in government. They are standard, routine postings and should not be viewed with suspicion. However, others may not agree with this argument.

Meanwhile, it is assessed by experts and knowledgeable sources that Tarique Rahman has embarked upon this critical exercise, taking Bangladesh’s Army Chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, into confidence. This means the Army Chief still enjoys the trust and confidence of the new Prime Minister, notwithstanding the fact that Waker was a handpicked choice of erstwhile Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and is also related to her. On his part, Waker has played his cards well, more as a military professional rather than being guided by any political promptings. It must be reiterated that Tarique Rahman, being the son of an ex-army man (his father, General Ziaur Rahman, was the Chief of Army Staff of the Bangladesh Army who later became President), is familiar with the Armed Forces and, importantly, his party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), has a sizable following in the cantonment.

In another Army-related development, the Bangladesh Army has been praised for its excellent and crucial role during the interim government as well as in its aftermath. It was a serious challenge for the Election Commission to make the February 12 polls fair and peaceful, and the Army met the expectations of the establishment and the people in equal measure. There has been no use of force, flexing of muscles, or intimidation of anybody, and by and large, people seemed happy with the role of the Army and, together with the Election Commission, it delivered an election that will remain exemplary, as prominently mentioned in the mainstream media.

According to Tanim Ahmed, a senior journalist, it was the Army Chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, who first articulated the 18-month timeline for the national election. As early as September 2024, just over a month after Muhammad Yunus and his cabinet had been sworn in, when they were still uncertain about the duration of their tenure, General Waker stated in an interview that an election could be held within a year and a half. It was the first time that a key figure had publicly set such a timeframe. In the same interview, he asserted his force’s wholehearted support for the Chief Adviser and his mission, thus allaying concerns about the military establishment’s stance. Later that month, however, the interim government indicated that the election timing would depend on progress in reforms. It also pointed out, most likely for the consumption of the Army Chief, that only the government could determine the length of its stay in office. There were several more occasions when General Waker’s patience was tested.

Perhaps the most visible episode occurred in March 2025, when a July uprising leader posted allegations against the Army Chief on social media. A wave of social media commentary followed, openly castigating the Army Chief—something unprecedented in Bangladesh. Other frontline July leaders also joined in. There were even rumours of certain quarters trying to replace him. Throughout those tense days, the Army refrained from any reaction. Once things cooled down, however, the General appeared to harden his stance. In May 2025, he told an officers’ meeting that the election should be held by December 2025.

In retrospect, it was a strange scenario. Some within the interim government and certain political actors did not seem especially keen on transitioning to elected rule but rather were content with the interim arrangement, whereas the Army Chief was making pointed public statements in favour of a democratic transition. A few months later, the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP), led by a section of the July leaders, faced a setback in Gopalganj. The Army did not dither in rescuing those very leaders who had earlier criticised General Waker. Had it not been for the deployment of Armoured Personnel Carriers (APCs), the outcome could have been quite grave. Significant bloodshed in Gopalganj at that juncture would have been detrimental to Bangladesh’s stability. This gave huge credibility to the Army’s reputation. Since the early days of August 2024, Bangladesh has waded perilously close to the brink on several occasions. One of the reasons it was able to weather these storms was because the Army stood resolutely behind the interim government while strongly insisting on a democratic transition.

Continuing to effect changes in the establishment, on February 23, 13 secretaries, including the secretary to the Prime Minister’s Office, were removed from their posts. The secretaries whose contracts were cancelled include S. M. Akmal Hossain, Mokhles-ur-Rahman, and Kaiyum Ara Begum, who were members of the Planning Commission as senior secretary; Saidur Rahman of the Health Services Division; Shish Haider Chowdhury of the Information and Communication Technology Division; Siddique Zobair, Director General of the National Academy for Planning and Development; Mohammad Yusuf, Chairman of the Land Appeal Board; and Mumtaz Ahmed, Secretary of the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs. Besides, the contract of Sharifa Khan, the alternate executive director of the World Bank, was cancelled. Incidentally, her appointment was made during the Awami League (AL) regime.

In another move, the government removed former Secretary A. H. M. Nurul Islam from his position as Chairman of the Board of Directors of Eastern Lubricants Blenders PLC (ELBPLC). Secretariat sources also indicate that the Prime Minister aims to restructure the administration to make it more efficient by implementing necessary changes. For this, he has been working from the Secretariat since his first day in office. The Prime Minister does not seem to accept the traditional, stagnant atmosphere in government offices. He is even closely monitoring the attendance of ministers and secretaries.

There might be more changes on the anvil in various other spheres. From the Army to the civil administration and many more, it would appear that Tarique Rahman wants to have a dedicated team of efficient and competent professionals to establish his credentials—not merely to be seen, but also to be effective on the ground. Crucially, some Bangladesh watchers and security analysts are expecting a move from Tarique Rahman regarding the declaration of a policy to contain religious radicals who have the propensity to foment fundamentalism and communalism in the country. This task seems to be addressed sooner rather than later for bolstering a secular image of the new Prime Minister, who has just opened his innings.

Views expressed are personal. The writer is a retired IPS officer, Adviser NatStrat, and a former National Security Advisor in Mauritius