Descent into extremism?

By the time this opinion piece is published, Bangladesh will be nearing the completion of one month since the regime change that coincided with Sheikh Hasina's ouster and her refuge in India. This month has seen rapid and dramatic developments affecting the entire spectrum of Bangladesh’s polity, security establishment, and social canvas. Even the best of analysts were unable to fathom the electric-speed happenings, as they could not assess the far-reaching implications it would cast its spell upon.

Let’s first discuss the political scene. Soon after Hasina left the country, and her arch-political rival Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was released from incarceration, the BNP came into a political mode, and from the word “go”, it started demanding elections at the earliest. This gives the impression that Zia and her party members were already prepared with a script and had rehearsed it well.

Moreover, they are more than visible in their political machinations, pressuring the interim government under banker Muhammad Yunus to bring former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina back from India to face a murder trial along with her sister Rehana, daughter Saima, and son Joy. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Alamgir, in a recent press conference, came down heavily on India for the latter’s decision to grant asylum to Hasina. The tone and tenor are as if elections are round the corner or, more specifically, the BNP is giving an impression to its domestic constituency that once the party is back to power, all its political adversaries need to be annihilated to ensure a clean sweep in the elections. Former minister in Hasina’s cabinet, Dipu Moni, has already been arrested, and her prosecution is underway. Murder cases against Hasina and several of her ministers and party colleagues have been registered. There is a clear sense of political vendetta at play. Leaders of the 14-party alliance, including those from the Workers’ Party, JSD, and others, are also under threat of arrest. This extends beyond the opening of criminal cases under penal and criminal codes to include violence, intimidation, and physical excesses against them. It is unthinkable that so much political hate and angst could be generated within such a short period of regime change. Social media is full of venom against the Awami League (AL) from BNP and Jamaat supporters. Grotesque stories are being circulated about Hasina and her confidantes, including allegations of torture, kidnappings, and other extrajudicial measures against their foes. Historic sculptures and statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have been brought down.

Furthermore, on August 21, a BNP delegation met with the Chinese Ambassador, Yao Wen, in Dhaka, and they held extensive talks. The interesting aspect of the BNP and Jamaat’s political activities following Hasina’s exit is that Chief Advisor Yunus has remained completely silent and oblivious to the flexing of muscles by the BNP and Jamaat. Demands for mass resignations of several Hindu teachers from various educational institutions, tampering with the education system, and the fresh appointment of thousands of functionaries in multiple government bodies, replacing them with ideologically aligned cadres, are occurring under the nose of the interim administration led by Yunus, who seems to be adopting an ostrich-like attitude, oblivious by design. Similarly, Hindu diplomats and media persons are being targeted.

Against this backdrop, it appears that there is no priority on the DOs list of the present government. Just a few days ago, Peace TV—a venomous, communally hateful channel that was banned by Hasina as part of her efforts to combat terror—was restored. As is commonly known, Peace TV is run by Islamic radical Zakir Naik, who is wanted in India and sheltered in Malaysia, where he airs his extreme communal views targeting non-Islamic groups. Yet, Yunus remains blissfully oblivious to these disturbing and regressive developments, leading us to safely assume that he is complicit in such decisions. Once considered a suave, US-leaning, patriotic, and progressive figure, Yunus was expected to introduce forward-thinking measures after the regime change. Sadly, it seems he is not in control, and it is the BNP and Jamaat combine that’s calling the shots in decision-making.

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Soon after the formation of the new interim government in early August, Brigadier General (retired) M Sakhawat Hossain was appointed the man in-charge of internal security but was soon replaced by Lt. General (retired) Jahangir Alam Chowdhury. The reason for this change is attributed to Sakhawat’s statement on the use of ammunition of a different calibre. The new in-charge of domestic security, Jahangir Alam, once led the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), now known as Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB). He is strongly suspected of being a die-hard BNP supporter, highly politicised, and even anti-India. A series of changes in the police and other law enforcement agencies are already underway. Professionally, it would appear that law-and-order bodies in Bangladesh are now being coloured with political ideology, and it is apprehended that in case of any serious eventuality, police and other allied forces will suffer from inertia, proving totally ineffective in controlling the situation.

Another disturbing development is the number of cases being registered against pro-liberation figures like Shahriar Kabir and others, with complainants mostly hailing from Hefazat-e-Islam and other ultra-Islamic groups. This is effectively reversing the progress made thus far, as religious extremists rapidly gain the upper hand, dragging an intellectually driven, progressive country back into the medieval ages. This is no exaggeration—early signs of Talibanisation are clearly visible, with madrassas gaining an edge over the conventional education system and flooding the bureaucracy with religious elements. Even sports and film bodies are not spared, which is a perilous sign. In a world where the rise of religious fundamentalism and the fomenting of terror are major challenges, Bangladesh is unfortunately falling into the trap of regression and religious excesses. With no oversight or direction, the country is likely to drift, leading to monumental damage. Sadly, the new regime seems intent on succeeding by positioning itself as anti-India, and early indications suggest that more anti-India rhetoric may pay political dividends to the new political class. Once the BNP and their partners are formally in power, there might be concerted efforts to replace the national anthem written and composed by Rabindranath Tagore. Such tampering with history and culture, which bind Bangladesh and India, could lead Indo-Bangladesh relations to a point of no return.

The writer is a retired IPS officer, Adviser NatStrat, and a former National Security Advisor in Mauritius. Views expressed are personal