India, US hold key talks to boost strategic ties amid regional shift
New Delhi: On Tuesday, a telephonic conversation between Indian Defence minister Rajnath Singh and US Secretary of Defence, Pete Hegseth is a turning point in the India-US strategic partnership. Government officials confirmed that both reiterated their interest in deepening the India-US defence partnership in diverse fields. The two officials deliberated over long-term collaboration on military training, joint exercises, sharing logistics, and integrating defence industrial supply chains, with specific focus on broadening industry cooperation.
Subsequently in a post on the microblogging site X, Singh termed the conversation as cantered on an appraisal of current and prospective measures to enhance cooperation even more. He sounded hopeful about encountering Hegseth at an early opportunity to get the discussion going on common security interests.
Indo-US ties have grown progressively in the last decade. Based on a commonality of democratic values and convergent interests in stability in the region, the ties have been reinforced by cornerstones like the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA, 2016), Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA, 2018) and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA, 2020). These agreements made interoperability, information sharing, and logistical facilitation possible, paving the way for high-level cooperation.
Additionally, this alliance is the wider Indo-Pacific strategy in which both countries intend to balance China’s aggressive territorial claims and make a “free, open, and inclusive” region. India is considered by the US a central partner in its Indo-Pacific strategy, highlighted through their combined membership of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) loo PPP with Japan and Australia. While so, India, historically dependent on Russian defence imports (60 per cent of its arsenal through 2023), has been diversifying its sources more and more, turning to the US for advanced technology and co-production under programs such as the US-India Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI). In addition, both nations are prioritising defence industrial integration, a policy priority since the 2023 Indo-US Defence Industrial Cooperation roadmap. This encompasses collaborative co-development of platforms (such as fighter jet engines, UAVs) and optimising supply chains to minimise dependencies. The US allowance for GE Aerospace’s joint manufacture of F414 engines in India (2023) and cooperation on foundational technologies such as AI and undersea warfare reflect this change.
Increasing interoperability by larger-scale exercises (e.g., Malabar naval exercises, Yudh Abhyas army exercises) and logistics exchange (e.g., mutual use of naval bases) was also stressed. These are meant to share common threats, ranging from South China Sea maritime security to Red Sea Houthi threats, where both countries have conducted joint patrols.
By underscoring US backing, India attempts to legitimate its counter-terrorism efforts abroad, as opposed to Pakistan’s implied status as a “haven.” The US, having declared Pakistan a “country of particular concern” in religious liberty in 2024, has increasingly sided with India while avoiding explicit support for unilateral operations. Besides, the collaboration strengthens deterrence against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and naval expansion. India’s role as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean and the US’s advanced military capabilities create a symbiotic check on Beijing’s ambitions. Also, by integrating India into global defence supply chains, the US supports New Delhi’s self-reliant India vision, reducing Moscow’s influence and fostering a tech-driven partnership.
Experts believe that the conversation is in line with the Quad’s goals and reinforces efforts such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), making India a bridge between the Indo-Pacific and West Asia.
As the Indo-Pacific confronts evolving power patterns, the Singh-Hegseth dialogue highlights a strategic realignment.
For America, a strong India is a stabilising influence; for India, American cooperation further propels it to become a world power.
Yet, there are challenges, ranging from bureaucratic obstacles in defence technology transfer to India’s balancing act between Russia and the West. But the partnership’s path shows a common vision of a rules-based order, with defence relations being its bedrock. The in-person meeting on the cards is sure to deliver tangible actions, from closing co-production agreements to coordinating strategies for regional flashpoints, further solidifying this 21st-century alliance.
