He’s the beginning of new
24 Dec 2013 5:43 AM IST
Electoral politics will never be the same again in this country, be it at the level of accountability and transparency in handling of the finances, or achieving unprecedented organisational strength within a span of just one year. Truly, the Kejriwal and his Aam Aadmi Party have upended the politics of cynicism practiced by both the Congress and BJP, bringing in an attitudinal readjustment amongst the larger public. There’s clearly less cynicism in the air and people’s hopes and expectations raised significantly in the participatory democratic machinery. However, the question is can he also redefine governance and tame the intransigent bureaucracy to keep the promises made in the election manifesto?
There are multiple levels at which the Kejriwal effect can be felt. For example, people now see them as problem solvers and troubleshooters. The 18-point charter that AAP placed before the Congress and the wider public spells out a number of apparently difficult goals, but how is he going to achieve them remains unexplained as yet. He can put an end to the VIP culture in Delhi and get the red beacons out of sight: it is a short-term goal. But can he do the same with water and power prices? There are protocols involved in these getting these wheels rolling and penetrating the bureaucracy will prove to be a much tougher game than sweeping off the electorate. To redeem the bureaucracy, a political broom wouldn’t suffice: he would need a vacuum cleaner! He can change the behaviour of his MLAs. But what and where is his team that will do the hard job of handling everyday affairs? He might refuse personal security but bringing down water and power tariffs needs consultations with electrical companies and not all of that could be in the public domain. So, would he change the nature of governance altogether?
Obviously, Kejriwal cannot follow a Narendra Modi, who prefers quashing the middle order of bureaucracy rather than engaging with it. For Delhi’s new chief minister, the challenge remains in changing the nature of engagement: use his powers of persuasion and dialogue to knead the executive and make it more pliable to his publicly-professed ends. There cannot be direct representation all the time since seeking referendum at every step is not just impossible, it’s also illogical. We are not Switzerland. We’re India and that model, which has catapulted him to political centre-stage, may not reap dividends in future, because it cannot be replicated at that scale. Moreover, Kejriwal has so far banked on an electronic referendum, but will that pay off when he deals with the four-year-undergraduate-programme in Delhi University? Not every issue can be settled with a simple yes or no.
Next few months will be crucial but also grim. He will have to deal with specifics and that too with a nebulous team of first timers. What will be his budget? His victory is an electoral shot in the arm, but can the Ballot Raja reconfigure governance and deliver? The phantom of Indian political opera is now for all to see.
There are multiple levels at which the Kejriwal effect can be felt. For example, people now see them as problem solvers and troubleshooters. The 18-point charter that AAP placed before the Congress and the wider public spells out a number of apparently difficult goals, but how is he going to achieve them remains unexplained as yet. He can put an end to the VIP culture in Delhi and get the red beacons out of sight: it is a short-term goal. But can he do the same with water and power prices? There are protocols involved in these getting these wheels rolling and penetrating the bureaucracy will prove to be a much tougher game than sweeping off the electorate. To redeem the bureaucracy, a political broom wouldn’t suffice: he would need a vacuum cleaner! He can change the behaviour of his MLAs. But what and where is his team that will do the hard job of handling everyday affairs? He might refuse personal security but bringing down water and power tariffs needs consultations with electrical companies and not all of that could be in the public domain. So, would he change the nature of governance altogether?
Obviously, Kejriwal cannot follow a Narendra Modi, who prefers quashing the middle order of bureaucracy rather than engaging with it. For Delhi’s new chief minister, the challenge remains in changing the nature of engagement: use his powers of persuasion and dialogue to knead the executive and make it more pliable to his publicly-professed ends. There cannot be direct representation all the time since seeking referendum at every step is not just impossible, it’s also illogical. We are not Switzerland. We’re India and that model, which has catapulted him to political centre-stage, may not reap dividends in future, because it cannot be replicated at that scale. Moreover, Kejriwal has so far banked on an electronic referendum, but will that pay off when he deals with the four-year-undergraduate-programme in Delhi University? Not every issue can be settled with a simple yes or no.
Next few months will be crucial but also grim. He will have to deal with specifics and that too with a nebulous team of first timers. What will be his budget? His victory is an electoral shot in the arm, but can the Ballot Raja reconfigure governance and deliver? The phantom of Indian political opera is now for all to see.
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