Vijay and the Quiet Rebellion

Actor Vijay’s entry into Tamil Nadu electoral politics is expected to create a new path, as he is supported by the youth of the whole of the South and, more specifically, Tamil Nadu. His crowd-pulling capacity stands out among all political parties. He is the only leader capable of drawing crowds without offering any incentive to participants. All other political parties, barring the Left, have to incentivise participants to attend party meetings. Nobody is interested in seeing leaders or hearing their speeches anymore. At one point in time, people used to attend party meetings to see leaders and listen to their inflammatory speeches. The meetings were organised in open grounds. One could see leaders on the stage with microphones and tube lights. Very large meetings were organised at a lower cost, as party meetings were simple and party workers handled many of the activities. In this way, emotional bonds were created.

In Tamil Nadu, both national and regional parties are aware of the impact of his entry and his calculations, but all have come together to ensure that no perception is formed among the public that he is a factor or force emerging to carve out a new path in Tamil Nadu politics and governance. In this way, the mainstream media has been prepared.

There is a question lingering in the minds of many as to why permission is not granted to him to hold a rally, and why his party faces numerous challenges in obtaining permission. There is an undercurrent working within the ruling establishment and mainstream political parties that, if he is allowed to conduct continuous roadshows, a situation similar to the Jallikattu protests could emerge.

Being a popular actor, he sensed the mood of the youth, who are fed up with the corrupt politics perpetuated in Tamil Nadu over the last thirty to forty years by the Dravidian parties, both the DMK and the AIADMK. Over time, people have begun to accept these corrupt practices in governance as routine. The youth of today not only hate corruption in politics and governance but also reject divisive practices inherited from previous generations. Equally, they do not want divisive politics based on religion or caste. Hence, Vijay wants to go it alone, without aligning with parties that have a long record of corruption.

In the last two months, I had an opportunity to interact with college-going youth, both boys and girls, when I visited ten colleges in Tamil Nadu in connection with a programme aimed at taking the Constitution to the doorsteps of citizens. While interacting with students and faculty members, I could sense that Vijay enjoys a huge following and support base in educational institutions—not because of the image he has cultivated like M.G. Ramachandran, but because of the clientelism practised in Tamil Nadu over the last six decades by the Dravidian parties. Regularised corrupt practices in governance and administration, along with the purchase of votes from the poor, have made politics costly and democracy a mockery. As a result, ordinary people, including the middle class, can no longer dream of becoming members of the Legislative Assembly or Parliament. In this way, politics has become increasingly expensive.

Spending huge amounts of money on electoral politics to become people’s representatives in the Legislative Assembly and Parliament has created a wide gap between the elected and the electorate, alienating them from each other. This deep-rooted malaise in Tamil Nadu politics was articulated well by Seeman, the president of the Naam Tamizhar Party. He drew the attention of the youth, but could not reach the level of critical mass. Nevertheless, he created an environment in which it became clear that the two major political parties had spoiled the people through corrupt electoral practices. Vijay could sense the gap between demand and supply. Seeman could not win alone and needed support, yet he stood alone in past elections. He could not reach out to the masses, as his capacity to penetrate beyond a limited base was constrained.

Vijay is not making this mistake. His support base is huge; he is dismantling the support base of many political parties and promises to share power with partners, whoever joins his fold. His support base is wider than that of any other leader in Tamil Nadu. In the recent past, no other leader has had the crowd-pulling capacity that Vijay possesses. The practice of bringing people to political meetings by distributing money began during the time of M. Karunanidhi and J. Jayalalithaa.

Over the last thirty years, there has been no ideological orientation among the youth, and political parties have not moved beyond their own narrow frameworks. Educational institutions have discouraged political orientation among the youth, as if political engagement were against the nation or the political order. As a result, the youth have been trapped in a politics shaped largely by cinematic dialogues rather than ideological debates. This gap has been carefully utilised by Vijay. His ability to reach out to the youth is not limited to Tamil Nadu; it extends beyond the state due to the uniqueness of his image-building. He may even play a role in Kerala politics, something that was not possible for Kerala actors in the past.

He has influenced the youth from poor and marginalised sections of society, which is why many smaller parties that relied on marginalised youth support are now jittery. Though a Christian, he has consolidated Hindu youth support along with minorities, which is why he is keeping his distance from the BJP. He understands which narratives will keep the masses aligned with him and deploys them in a calibrated manner. In 1967, the DMK won the election through youth power. Similarly, the AIADMK won the 1977 election with the support of women and marginalised groups. Thereafter, binary politics reduced national parties to weak allies. Vijay’s entry could create a new binary or even a multipolar political configuration, depending on his electoral performance. Many twists are likely in the months ahead. Change is clearly visible as the 2026 election approaches.

Views expressed are personal. The writer is a former Professor and Rajiv Gandhi Chair for Panchayati Raj Studies, Gandhigram Rural Institute