A New Geo-Economic Reality

Efficiency-driven globalisation is giving way to a world shaped by power, security and industrial strategy, as nations redesign trade and supply chains around geopolitical risk;

Update: 2025-12-15 17:56 GMT

The global economic order is undergoing one of its most profound shifts in decades. For much of the post–Cold War era, nations operated under an implicit assumption: that economic efficiency, comparative advantage, and universal rules would guide global trade and investment. But the world that produced the WTO, mega-FTAs, and hyper-integrated supply chains no longer exists. We are now in a phase where politics outweighs economics, where national security trumps market logic, and where states and corporations alike are redesigning their strategies through the lens of resilience, hedging, and geopolitical leverage.

This shift is not theoretical. It is visible in boardrooms, trade ministries, and manufacturing hubs around the world. The rise of industrial policy, the fragmentation of supply chains, and the politicisation of technology flows reveal a world reorganising itself around strategic priorities rather than efficiency metrics.

When power sets the terms, not markets

The clearest sign of the new age is the transformation of trade policy in the world’s largest economy. Both major political factions in the United States now place national security at the centre of their economic strategy. Tariffs, export controls, industrial subsidies, and friend-shoring have become bipartisan pillars. Initiatives such as the CHIPS Act and the Inflation Reduction Act are explicit in their objectives: secure supply chains, reduce reliance on strategic competitors, and rebuild industrial depth in areas considered vital for national resilience.

This approach marks a decisive break from the universalist trade doctrine that shaped globalisation in the 1990s and early 2000s. The major economies are no longer seeking harmonised rules globally; instead, they are negotiating bespoke arrangements based on political alignment, technological trust, and strategic complementarity. Predictability—the currency of global business—has eroded, replaced by a world where access, technology, and investment flows are contingent on geopolitical positioning.

Industrial capacity is the new sovereign power

Across continents, a new understanding has taken hold: industrial strength is national power. Europe is pursuing its own industrial revival through state aid and strategic autonomy frameworks. China has doubled down on its Made in China 2025 vision and is rolling out massive incentives for EVs, AI, and advanced manufacturing. The United States is rebuilding semiconductor and clean-energy manufacturing at scale.

For emerging powers, industrial policy has become a sovereignty imperative. The pandemic revealed how vulnerable over-outsourced economies were to external shocks. The era of lean supply chains and just-in-time logistics has been replaced by a desire for redundancy and near-shoring. Nations now see value not only in producing at home, but in controlling intellectual property, setting standards, and building domestic ecosystems in critical sectors—semiconductors, renewables, defence, and critical minerals among them.

This is not protectionism for its own sake. It is a strategic recalibration meant to ensure that no country is held hostage by concentrated supply chains or politically exposed chokepoints.

A multi-node supply chain world

Global value chains are undergoing the most significant reorganisation since China’s accession to the WTO. Companies are diversifying manufacturing footprints away from single-country dependence, particularly in high-risk sectors like electronics, batteries, pharmaceuticals, and telecom equipment. The phrase ‘China plus1’ has expanded into ‘China plus many,’ with India, Vietnam, Mexico, Poland, and the Gulf emerging as major beneficiaries.

India stands out as one of the top destinations for Western and East Asian companies seeking reliability, scale, and political predictability. Apple’s increasing consolidation of iPhone assembly in India, Tesla’s negotiations for local production, and the deepening commitments from semiconductor and electronics firms reflect this shift. The trend is structural, not cyclical: in a world of economic blocs and strategic rivalries, companies want manufacturing hubs that are geopolitically safe and commercially stable.

Countries capable of offering both scale and neutrality will compete to become the indispensable nodes of the new supply-chain map.

The multipolar marketplace of partners

Perhaps the most overlooked global trend is the rise of a new diplomatic posture among mid-sized and emerging economies. Nations across Southeast Asia, the Gulf, Africa, and Latin America increasingly reject binary choices between great powers. Instead, they seek diversified partnerships—balancing economic ties with China, security ties with the United States, technological collaboration with Europe, and investment partnerships with India, Japan, or the Gulf.

This is the essence of the emerging multipolar order: a world in which countries have more room to manoeuvre and are demanding alternatives to exclusive blocs. Economic corridors such as the India–Middle East–Europe route, expanding partnerships with GCC and ASEAN economies, and new investments into Africa’s connectivity and logistics infrastructure reflect this recalibration.

The strategic pitch of the decade

The world is moving toward an era defined by US-China rivalry, the consolidation of alternative power centres, and a gradual bifurcation of technology ecosystems. In this environment, nations that can offer geopolitical stability, manufacturing depth, and a non-aligned strategic profile will shape the next chapter of globalisation.

The next decade will belong to those who can align industrial ambition with geopolitical opportunity—those who can anchor themselves as reliable partners in a world where reliability itself has become a rare commodity.

Views expressed are personal. The writer is the President of Chintan Research Foundation

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