A Dangerous Drift

In these columns, a couple of weeks ago, an opinion piece—duly analysed—was carried on the growing bonhomie between Pakistan and Bangladesh. Since then, it would seem that more warmth has been generated between them. Such a development is more than a coincidence and calls for a closer examination of the reasons for the emerging axis, which was glaringly absent nearly eight months ago, before Sheikh Hasina exited Dhaka in early August last year.

The regime change has seen an increasingly high level of closeness, and strikingly, in the wake of the Pahalgam terror incident (April 22), it gave an opportunity to Bangladesh to warm up to Islamabad. Their Advisor on Foreign Affairs, Md Touhid Hossain, even went to the extent of offering to mediate between India and Pakistan to resolve their impasse arising out of the volatile situation.

There are two separate developments occurring in Bangladesh that reinforce the assessment that the country is visibly cosying up to Islamabad—such closeness has not been noticed in the last half a century. First, recently (April 21), there was a call by speakers at a discussion meeting organised by the Revolutionary Students Council in Dhaka for the rehabilitation of poet and philosopher Iqbal in his proper place by renaming a hostel in the philosopher’s name. The discussion meeting was co-organised by the Allama Iqbal Society, Bangladesh, marking his death anniversary at the RC Majumder Hall (named after a noted historian and former Vice Chancellor of Dhaka University), with the Society’s President, Anisuzzaman, in the chair.

Interestingly, the speakers said that Iqbal was the proponent of the idea of separate states comprising Muslim-majority areas of India, back in 1930 at the Allahabad session of the All-India Muslim League. They further argued that Iqbal’s critics should rather celebrate him for having foreseen Muslim-majority states, which are now realities. Instead, they should ponder why the poet of Sare Jahan Se Accha envisioned Muslim states in the subcontinent within the evolving political scenario of that time.

One of the speakers also said that during British colonial rule, East Bengal was able to gain independence as the eastern part of Pakistan in 1947 by demanding independence based on Muslim nationalism formulated by Iqbal. Otherwise, East Bengal would not have become the independent state of Bangladesh but would have been a state of India like West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura—and in that case, they would suffer “persecution and oppression” like Indian Muslims. These words are strong—and new—in Bangladesh.

Such rhetoric coming from the fresh generation of students means that their thinking now aligns with General Asim Munir’s (Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army), who recently brought up the two-nation theory. It was also expressed at the event that Bangladesh will progress with immense potential based on the Muslim nationalism conceived by Iqbal. Some speakers further claimed that Iqbal’s “formulated” Muslim nationalism and Bangladesh’s independence were interconnected. They also alleged that there was a conspiracy to erase “Muslim nationalism” from national life in an attempt to “seize” Bangladesh’s independence and sovereignty. The discussion meeting was addressed by Abdul Latif Masum, former Vice-Chancellor of Patuakhali University; Mostafa Kamal Majumder, editor, GreenWatch Dhaka; Rashid Ahmed and Nasir Helal of Dhaka University; Abdul Wahed; and Afzal Warsi, a leader of the Bihari Community in Dhaka.

While discussing Iqbal, it is also pertinent to mention that Jinnah’s 76th death anniversary was observed (September 11 last year) at the National Press Club in Dhaka with Urdu songs and poetry. Speakers on the occasion highlighted various aspects of Jinnah’s life, observing that Pakistan would not have been created without him, and without Pakistan, Bangladesh too would not exist. These remarks came during a discussion session organised by the Nawab Salimullah Academy at the National Press Club. Crucially, Pakistani Deputy High Commissioner to Dhaka, Kamran Dhangal, was the chief guest. Mostafizur Rahman presented the keynote paper, outlining various events from Jinnah’s life, from his birth to his death. Some of the speakers also said, “...if Bangladesh had not been part of Pakistan in 1947, we would have been in the same position as Kashmir today, with the Indian government holding weapons to our necks.” It was also advocated that Bangladesh must foster strong relations with China and Pakistan.

One speaker said, “Regardless of how it happened, Bangladesh gained independence, but if Jinnah had not been there, Pakistan would not have existed, and without Pakistan, Bangladesh would not exist. Jinnah was the father of their nation.” The organisers hoped that both Jinnah’s birth and death anniversaries would continue to be observed every year.

Analysing the events commemorating Jinnah and Iqbal in heartland Dhaka, it clearly indicates that the new generation, in the aftermath of regime change and under the influence of pro-Pakistan and anti-liberation elements, is experiencing a perceptible shift in thinking under the new political and social order. Significantly, this also resonates with the thinking of the Pakistani establishment on the two-nation theory and the Hindu-Muslim communal divide. In light of this, secular and pro-liberation forces in Bangladesh—especially the intelligentsia—may need to intercede to stem the tide of spiralling communalism in the country. It is a sad commentary that Jinnah and Iqbal are finding more space in Bangladeshi thought than the Indian leadership and the valiant members of the Indian armed forces who helped and sacrificed their lives for Bangladesh to become a free nation in 1971.

The writer is a retired IPS officer, Adviser NatStrat, and a former National Security Advisor in Mauritius. Views expressed are personal