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Opinion

The fine print of the Naga talks

The successful talks with separatist Naga group NSCN [I-M], which wanted a united Nagalim ­– a greater Nagaland which will be made of current Nagaland state and added areas from neighbouring states in which Nagas reside as minorities – is a noteworthy development in an otherwise  grim political climate. The centre has signed a written memorandum with the group that it will abide by the written Indian constitution and the group would relegate any plans to press for Nagalim any further and would accept the existing borders with the states. That was their contention from the start and clearly, the centre has got from it the best part of the deal. In return, the Centre will evolve a strategy by which Nagas living as minorities in neighbouring states will get some special rights. Prime Minister Monamohan Singh has asked Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde to follow up on neighbouring states like Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur to work out a strategy to see that Naga minorities in those states can have special rights. The modalities of the proposal are being worked out and Shinde has already met the Manipur CM and hopes to wound up the rest of the discussions soon. As per reports, the success of the centre’s talks with NSCN [I-M] will depend on the fine print of this proposal but if all goes well, the centre can look forward to closing the Nagalim issue by early 2013, an issue plaguing the centre since 1997.

The centre should waste no time in sealing this agreement fully and finally. It should do what it has promised as part of the agreement, so as to nullify any effort to de-territorialise Nagaland. But at the same time it should ensure that other states do not feel let down by the special privileges. It will be no good that to ensure that the Naga issue is placated, the centre ends up creating a host of other pockets of injured selfhood. Instead, it should take the states in confidence to evolve a strategy that will not undo their success with the Naga movement and yet not create new possibilities of dissent. The real task is hence ahead.

The political charter of UPA II is not filled with successes, just like its economic charter. This is all the reason why it should work hard to see the potential success of the talks with NSCN [I-M] through. But while doing so, the UPA must take into account local sentiments and should never emerge as one which is happy to placate political tension with promises it can’t fulfil and leaves a permanent sore in India’s already tattered map.
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